Friday, 15 September 2023

Hong Leong Bank



2009 to 2022

It EPS grew from 58.28 sen in 2009 to 157.64 sen in 2022.  It has grown its EPS 2.7x.

Its EPS grew at a faster rate from 2009 to 2015 (doubling over 6 years) and grew at a slower rate from 2016 to 2022 (EPS increased by about 50%),

Excluding the very high PEs and very low PEs at the extremes, its usual historical PE ranged from low PE of 11.2 to high PE of 16.5 and its average or signature PE was 14.1.

It paid out 35% of its earnings as dividends and grew its earnings by 99.36 sen (157.64 - 58.28 sen).  It retained 957.61 sen (1473.01 sen - 515.4 sen).  The return on its retained earnings (RORE) is thus, 10.4% (99.36 sen / 1473.01 sen).

Its usual DY ranged from low DY of 2.38% to high DY of 3.12%.   

At the current price of RM 19.90 per share, it is trading at a PE of 11.06x and its DY is 2.96%.  


MYEG


2009 to 2022

It EPS grew from 0.24 sen in 2009 to 4.72 sen in 2022.  It had grown its EPS 19.7x.

Its EPS grew 11.7x, at a fast rate from 0.24 sen in 2009 to 2.8 sen in 2017.  Its EPS dropped from 2.8 sen inn 2017 to 2.64 sen in 2018.  From 2018, its EPS grew from 2.64 sen to 4,72 sen in 2022; it grew 1.8x.  

Its PE expanded from PE of 16.1 in 2009 to PE of 76.6 in 2015.  From 2015/16, its PE contracted from this highest PE to PE of 18.4 in 2022. 

Excluding the extremely high PEs and extremely low PEs,  the usual historical PE for MYEG ranged from low PE of 15.9 to high PE of 25.9 and its average or signature PE was 19.9.

It paid out 27.7% of its earnings as dividends and grew its earnings by 4.72 sen - 0.24 sen = 4.48 sen.  It retained 26.94 sen - 7.46 sen =  19.48 sen.  The return on its retained earnings is thus, 4.48 sen / 19.48 sen = 23%.

Its usual DY ranged from low DY of 0.83% to high DY of 2.23%.   

At the current price of RM 0.79 per share, it is trading at a PE of 14.8x and its DY is 1.91%.  


HEIM

From 2009 to 2022, it has grown its earnings per share 2.9 times, from 47 sen to 136.65 sen.  

It paid out 99% of its earnings as dividends and despite retaining only 1% of its earnings, it was able to grow its earnings 2.9 times.

At the price of RM 23.56 per share, it is trading at a PE of 18.12x.  

Excluding the extremely high PEs and extremely low PEs,  the usual historical PE for Heim ranged from 14.8 to high PE of 25.6 and its average PE was 20.5.

Its usual DY ranges 3.33% to 5.26%.   At RM 23.56 per share, its DY is 5.86%.   

Thursday, 14 September 2023

Apollo

 


Bonia

 


Public Bank Berhad

 


From 2009 to 2022, it has grown its earnings per share 2.26 times, from 13.93 sen to 31.5 sen.  

It paid out 48.2% of its earnings as dividends and grew its earnings by 31.5 sen - 13.93 sen = 17.57 sen.  It retained 340.44 sen - 164.03 sen = 176.41 sen.  The return on its retained earnings is thus, 17.57 sen / 176.41 sen = 9.96%.

At the price of RM 4.14 per share, it is trading at a PE of 12.07x and its DY is 4.35%.  

Excluding the extremely high PEs and extremely low PEs,  the usual historical PE for PBB ranged from low PE of 13.4 to high PE of 15.7 and its average or signature PE was 14.5.

Its usual DY ranged from low DY of 3.04% to high DY of 4.35%.   





IOI

 


Southern Acid Berhad









Elk-Desa

 

United Malacca Berhad

 


MBMR

 


Thursday, 10 August 2023

Deflation: Why falling prices in China raise concerns

 

Deflation: Why falling prices in China raise concerns

  • Published

China's economy has slipped into deflation as consumer prices declined in July for the first time in more than two years.

The official consumer price index, a measure of inflation, fell by 0.3% last month from a year earlier.

Analysts said this increases pressure on the government to revive demand in the world's second largest economy.

This follows weak import and export data, which raised questions about the pace of China's post-pandemic recovery.

The country is also tackling ballooning local government debt and challenges in the housing market. Youth unemployment, which is at a record high, is also being closely watched as a record 11.58 million university graduates are expected to enter the Chinese job market this year.

Falling prices make it harder for China to lower its debt - and all the challenges which stem from that, such as a slower rate of growth, analysts said.

"There is no secret sauce that could be applied to lift inflation," says Daniel Murray from investment firm EFG Asset Management. He suggests a "simple mix of more government spending and lower taxes alongside easier monetary policy".

When did prices start falling?

Most developed countries saw a boom in consumer spending after pandemic restrictions ended. People who had saved money were suddenly able and willing to spend, while businesses struggled to keep up with the demand.

The huge increase in demand for goods that were limited in supply - coupled with rising energy costs after Russia's invasion of Ukraine - inflated prices.

But this is not what happened in China, where prices did not soar as the economy emerged from the world's tightest coronavirus rules. Consumer prices last fell in February 2021.

In fact, they have been at the cusp of deflation for months, flatlining earlier this year due to weak demand. The prices charged by China's manufacturers - known as factory gate prices - have also been falling.

"It is worrisome as far as it shows that demand in China is poor while the rest of the world is awakening, especially the West," Alicia Garcia-Herrero, an adjunct professor at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, said.

"Deflation will not help China. Debt will become more heavy. All of this is not good news," she added.

Why is deflation a problem?

China produces a large proportion of the goods sold around the world.

A potential positive impact of an extended period of deflation in the country may be that it helps to curb rising prices in other parts of the world, including the UK.

However, if cut-price Chinese goods flood global markets it could have a negative impact on manufacturers in other countries. That could hit investment by businesses and squeeze employment.

A period of falling prices in China could also hit company profits and consumer spending. This may then lead to higher unemployment.

It could result in a fall in demand from the country - the world's largest marketplace - for energy, raw materials and food, which would hit global exports.

What does this mean for China's economy?

China's economy is already facing other hurdles. For one, it is recovering from the impact of the pandemic at a rate that is slower than expected.

On Tuesday, official figures showed that China's exports fell by 14.5% in July compared with a year earlier, while imports dropped 12.4%. The grim trade data reinforces concerns that the country's economic growth could slow further this year.

China is also dealing with an ongoing property market crisis after the near-collapse of its biggest real estate developer Evergrande.

The Chinese government has been sending the message that everything is under control, but has so far avoided any major measures to encourage economic growth.

Building confidence among investors and consumers will be key to China's recovery, Eswar Prasad, a professor of trade policy and economics at Cornell University, said.

"The real issue is whether the government can get confidence back in the private sector, so households will go out and spend rather than save, and businesses will start investing, which it hasn't accomplished so far," Professor Prasad said.

"I think we're going to have to see some significant stimulus measures (including) tax cuts."

Additional reporting by BBC business reporter Peter Hoskins.


https://www.bbc.com/news/business-66435870

Tuesday, 25 July 2023

Quality: The Good versus Bad Billionaires

The Good versus Bad Billionaires

Good billionaires emerge outside "rent-seeking industries."  

Common rent-seeking industries are construction, real estate, gambling, mining, steel, aluminum, oil, gas and other commodity sectors that mainly involve digging resources out of the ground.  

In these businesses, major players often spend their time extracting maximum rents from limited national resources by bribing politicians if necessary, not growing national wealth in innovative ways.

New names on the billionaire list can be a favourable sign.  Looking at the scale of billionaire fortunes is not enough to reveal the extent of their political vulnerabilities.


Comparing the share of the wealth generated by "bad billionaires."

To make a qualitative judgement about the sources of great fortunes, compare the total wealth of tycoons in these corruption prone businesses to that of all billionaires in the country.  

This no doubt miscasts many honest mining and oil tycoons, but even in nations where these industries are relatively uncorrupt, they tend to make weak contributions to productivity and to tie the economy to the volatile swings of commodity prices.


Good billionaires

This label is for tycoons in industries that are known to make the largest contributions to growth in productivity or that make popular consumer products, like smartphones or cars.

These "good" industries are the ones least likely to generate backlashes against wealth creation; they include technology, manufacturing, pharmaceutical, and telecoms, as well as retail, e-commerce and entertainment.


How are nations generating their wealth?

Analysing billionaires does offer anecdotally telling, real-time evidence of how nations are generating wealth.  

  • Countries with small percentage of bad billionaires

Among the largest developed economies of 2019, bad billionaires controlled the smallest shares of billionaire wealth: in Italy (7%) and France(9%) - a good sign for both countries.

Only 13% of Swedish billionaire wealth originates in rent seeking industries.  Much of the rest is created at globally competitive companies, including H&M in fashion and IKEA in furniture retailing.

  • Countries with large percentage of bad billionaires

Few new or good billionaires are to be found in nations like Turkey or Russia, where aging regimes have turned away from reform and promoted favoured tycoons.  The undisputed capital of connected tycoons is Moscow.  Nearly 70% of Russian billionaire wealth comes from bad billionaires.  The Kremlin treats billionaires with contempt, arbitrarily changing rules that govern their businesses knowing the public has little sympathy for a billionaire class widely perceived as corrupt.  

Popular resentment against great wealth is palpable in Mexico as well, where bad billionaires also control close to 70% of billionaire wealth.  Mexican tycoons are known for cornering industries such as telephones and concrete, which earn monopoly profits for their owners while driving up prices for consumers.  

Bad billionaires typically arise in family empires, particularly in the emerging world, where weaker institutions make it easier for old families to cultivate political connections.

China's historical debt binge

September 2008, pre-Lehman Brothers bankruptcy

In September 2008, China's economy was slowing.   The Shanghai stock market had just crashed.  Property prices were weak.  The Chinese officials said China was entering the middle-income rank of nations, so it was time for it to slow down as previous Asian miracle economies, like Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, had.  They talked about cutting back on investment, downsizing large state companies and letting the market allocate credit, which at this point was not growing faster than the economy.  Between 2003 and 2008, credit had held steady at about 10% of GDP.


October 2008, post Lehman Brothers bankruptcy

Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy in the US and global markets went into a tail-spin.  Demand collapsed in the US and Europe, crushing export growth in China, where leaders panicked.

By October 2008, the Chinese government had reversed course, redoubling its commitment to the old investment -led growth model, this time by fueling the engine with debt.   From 2008 through 2018, total debts would increase by $80 trillion worldwide, as countries fought off the effects of the financial crisis, but of that total, $35 trillion, or nearly half, was racked up by China alone.


August 2009

By August 2009, the Chinese government had launched an aggressive spending and lending program that kept China's GDP growth above 8%, while the US and Europe were in recession.  That steadily high GDP growth had convinced many Chinese that their government could produce any growth rate it wanted.

Bank regulators were the only officials who expressed alarm and their main concern was increasingly reckless lending in the private sector.  "Shadow banks" had started to appear, selling credit products with yields that were too high to be true.  


2013

By 2013, shadow banks accounted for half of the trillions of dollars in new yearly credit flows in China.  When Beijing began to limit borrowing by local governments, local authorities set up shell companies to borrow from shadow banks.  Soon these "local government funding vehicles" became the biggest debtors in the shadow banking system.

As the flow of debt accelerated, more lending went to wasteful projects.  By some estimates, 10% of the firms on the mainland stock exchange were "zombie companies." kept alive by government loans.  The state doled out loans to incompetent and failing borrowers.


  • Lending started to flow into real estate

Much of the lending started to flow into real estate, the worst target for investment binges.  Easy loans spurred the sale of about 800 million square feet of real estate in 2010, more than in all other market so the world combined.  In big cities, prices were rising at 20% to 30% a year.

Caught up in the excitement, banks stopped looking at whether borrowers had income and started lending on collateral - often property.  This "collateralized lending" works only as long as borrowers short on income can keep making loan payments by borrowing against the rising price of their property.  By 2013, a third of the new loans in China were gong to pay off old loans.  In October 2013, Bank of China chairman warned that shadow banking resembled a "Ponzi scheme," with more and more loans based on "empty real estate."


  • At the March 2013 party congress, Li Keqiang came in as prime minister.  

He was one of the Chinese leaders who appeared to accept the reality that a maturing economy needed to slow down, which would allow him to restrain the credit boom.  Yet every time the economy showed signs of slowing, the government would reopen the credit spigot to revive it.


  • Dubious creditors grew

The cast of dubious creditors grew increasingly flaky, including coal and steel companies with no experience in finance, guaranteeing billions of dollars in IOUs issued by their clients and partners.  



2014: Chinese urged to buy stocks

By 2014, lending entrepreneurs were shifting their sights from property to new markets - including the stock market.

Even the state-controlled media jumped in the game, urging ordinary Chinese to buy stocks for patriotic reasons.  Their hope was to create a steady bull market and provide debt-laden state companies with a new source of funding.  Instead they got one of the biggest stock bubbles in history.

There are 4 basic signs of a stock bubble:  

  • high levels of borrowing for stock purchases; 
  • prices rising at a pace that can't be justified by the underlying rate of economic growth; 
  • overtrading by retail investors and 
  • exorbitant valuation.  


June 2015, Shanghai market started to crash

By April 2015, when the state-run People's Daily crowed that the good times were "just beginning,"  The Shanghai market had reached the extreme end of all four bubble metrics, which is rare.

The amount that Chinese investors borrowed to buy stock had set a world record, equal to 9% of the total value of tradable stocks.  Stock prices were up 70% in just 6 months, despite slowing growth in the economy.  On some days, more stock was changing hands in China than in all other stock markets combined.  In June 2015, the market started to crash and it continued to crash despite government orders to investors not to sell.

[Comments:

This credit binge had some characteristics unique to China's state-run system, including the borrowing by local government fronts and the Communist propaganda cheering on a capitalist bubble.  But its fundamental dynamics were typical of debt mania.  It began with private players, who assume the government would not let them fail, and devolved into a game of whack-a-mole.  As the government fitfully tried to contain the mania, more and more dubious lenders and borrowers got in the game, blowing bubbles in stocks and real estate.  The quality of credit deteriorated sharply, into collateralized loans and IOUs.  These are all important mania warning signals.

The most important sign was, as ever, private credit growing much faster than the economy.   After holding steady before 2008, the debt burden exploded over the next 5 years, increasing by 74 % points as a share of GDP.  This was the largest credit boom ever recorded int he emerging world (though Ireland and Spain have outdone it in the developed world).]


By mid 2019

By mid-2019 China had, in fact, seen economic growth slow by nearly half, from double digits to 6%, right in line with previous extreme binges.  To date then, no country has escaped this rule:  a five-year increase in the ratio of private credit to GDP that is more than 40% points has always led to a sharp slowdown in economic growth.

[Comments:

China did however, dodge the less consistent threat of a financial crisis, aided by some unexpected strengths.  One was the dazzling boom in its tech sector, without which the economy would have slowed much more dramatically.  Another was the fact that Chinese borrowers were in debt mainly to Chinese lenders and in many cases the state owned bother parties to the loan.  In short, /China was well positioned to forgive or roll over its own debts.  And with strong export income, vast foreign exchange reserves, strong domestic savings and still ample bank deposits, it has managed to avert the financial crisis that often accompanies large, debt driven economic slowdowns.]



How Paying Off Debt Pays Off

Before 2000

Before 2000, many emerging countries had never seen a period of real financial stability or a healthy credit boom.  

  • Inflation was high and volatile, and when prices for big-ticket items are unpredictable, banks won't dare make loans that extend for more than a few months.
  • In emerging countries, five-year car loan and the 30 year mortgage, had been unimaginable luxuries.  Yet, these are the many cornerstones of American consumer culture and middle-class existence.


After 2000

The new generation of emerging world leaders began controlling deficits and lowering inflation.  This newly stable environment quickly led to a revolution in lending.  

  • Credit cards and corporate bonds were introduced for the first time.
  • Mortgages, which barely existed in 2000, became a multibillion-dollar industry, rising from 0% of GDP to 7% in Brazil and Turkey, 4% in Russia and 3% in Indonesia by 2013.

For countries where people cannot buy a car or a house unless they amass enough cash, the introduction of these simple credit products is an important step into the modern world.


Periods of healthy credit growth

Periods of healthy credit growth bear no psychological resemblance to the extreme exuberance of manias or the extreme caution of debt-phobia.  

In place of shady lenders and unqualified borrowers, responsible lenders are widening the choice of solid loan options, creating a more balanced economy.


Global financial crisis in 2008

When the global financial crisis hit in 2008, countries like the US were vulnerable because they had been running up debt too fast.  

In Southeast Asia, however, the opposite story was unfolding.

Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and the Philippines had manageable debt burdens and strong banks ready to lend, with total loans less than 80% of deposits.  

Over the next 5 years the health of the credit system would prove crucial:  

  • nations such as Spain and Greece, which had seen the sharpest increase in debt before 2008,  would post the slowest growth after the crisis; 
  • nations such as the Philippines and Thailand, which had seen the smallest in debt during the boom, would fare the best.

Debt Mania and Debt Phobia

Debts owed by nations

Every new crisis seemed to hatch a new way of thinking about debt, depending on who is lending, who is borrowing, for how long, and many other factors.

  • Mexico's "tequila crisis" of the mid-1990s started with short-term bonds.  This led to focus on the dangers of short-term debt.
  • The Asian financial crisis started with debt to foreigners, and foreign loans became the new obsession.


The best predictor of these meltdowns:  five straight years of rapid growth in private-sector debt.  

A decade after the global financial crisis, the Bank of International Settlements, the IMF and other international authorities concurred the most consistent precursor of major credit crises going back to the "tulip mania" in 17th century Holland was that private-sector debt - borrowing by corporations and individuals - had been growing faster than the economy for a significant length of time.

The authorities also reached another surprising conclusion:  the clearest signal of coming trouble is the pace of increase in debt, not the size of the debt.  

  • Size matters, but pace matters more.  
  • Government debt play a role but usually rises later, after trouble starts in the private sector.  
  • A sharp increase in private debt is the leading indicator.

The key issue is whether debt is growing faster or slower than the economy.   

  • A country in which private credit has been growing much faster than the economy for 5 years should be placed on watch for a sharp slowdown in the economy and possibly for a financial crisis as well.



Thailand in 1997

From the prime minister to farmers gets swept up in the mania for cheap loans. 

A housewife borrows to invest in "four million of anything."  

By 1997, private debt amounted to 165% of GDP in Thailand, but debts of that size would not necessarily have signaled a crisis if the debt had not been growing at an unsustainable pace.

  • Over the previous 5 years, private debt had been growing at an annual pace more than twice as fast as the roaring Thai economy and had rise by 67% points as a share of GDP.  

To anticipate coming trouble, the number to watch:  the five-year increase in the ratio of private credit to GDP.


Successful nations avoid debt manias

Successful nations avoid debt manias and are often best positioned for sustained growth after a period of retrenchment.  

  • The upside to the rule is that if private credit has been growing much slower than the economy for 5 years, the economy could be headed for recovery, because banks will have rebuilt deposits and will feel comfortable lending again.  
  • Borrowers, having reduced their debt burden, will feel comfortable borrowing again.  

That is the normal cycle anyway. 


Debt phobia can be almost as destructive

 After particularly severe credit crises, lenders and borrowers may be paralyzed for years by debt phobia, which can be almost as destructive as debt mania.




Monday, 24 July 2023

Political revolt and Food prices

There is never one cause of a political revolt, but food prices have played a role in many.  


Consumer prices have been intimately connected to the cycle of political crisis, revolt and reform.

1.  The Revolutions of 1848 targeted European monarchies and followed the spread of democratic ideas on the continent.  Spiking food prices was identified as the main catalyst too.

2.  In recent decades, Latin America has been a cauldron of inflation driven unrest.  Between 1946 and 1983, 15 governments fell in Latin America, and in 13 of those cases, from Mexico to Argentina, the regime change followed a sure in the annual rate of consumer price inflation to 20% or more.

3.  Rising prices for wheat and other grains also contributed to the 1989 fall of Communism in the Soviet Union.


Inflation fell in most emerging nations but occasional flare-ups continued to topple leaders.  

There was a strong link between food prices and unrest in many countries between 1990 and 2011.

1.  Inflation helped oust regimes in Brazil, Turkey and Russia (again) in the late 1990s.

2.  In 2008, World Bank warned that at least 33 countries faced a risk of social revolt sparked by food prices, which had risen 80% in the previous 3 years.

3.  Food prices did help spark revolts worldwide in 2011, including the Arab Spring.  

4.  In India before the 2013 election, the voters were complaining about price of onions.  The Congress Party lost to Modi's Hindu nationalist party, and polls showed that inflation had played a major role in the Congress government's downfall.


Conclusion:

High or rapidly rising consumer price inflation threatens economic growth directly and indirectly, because it can provoke destabilising social unrest.  

Watch for leaders who understand this inflation threat, and how to use the weapons that can control it.

High inflation for consumer prices is almost always a threat to growth but deflation is not.

For the eight centuries beginning in 1210, the world's average annual inflation rate was only 1%, according to the Global Financial Database.  For  most of that period, however, the long-term 1% average concealed sharp swings between inflation and deflation.

In early 1930s, deflation disappeared, for reasons that remain mysterious but include the spread of the banking industry and the wider availability of credit, with consequently more money chasing the available goods.

The end of the gold standard in the 1970s made it easier for central banks to print money, which also tends to fuel inflation.

The result was that deflation disappeared completely on the global level, and bouts of deflation - particularly longer ones - became much less common within individual nations as well.  


Though deflation has largely vanished, worldwide, it continues to surface in isolated pockets.  

Japan is the only major country to have suffered a multiyear case of deflation in the postwar era, but many countries have suffered a single-year bout.  

Again, however, these periods did not have a consistent impact on growth, for better or worse.


No clear evidence that consumer price deflation is bad - or good- for economic growth.

In early 2015, the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) looked at the postwar record for 38 countries.  In all, these countries had seen more than 100 years in which prices fell.  

  • On average, GDP growth was higher by a statistically insignificant margin during deflationary years, at 3.2%, than during inflationary years, at 2.7%.   
  • The cases in which deflation was accompanied by strong growth occurred from Thailand and China to the Netherlands and Japan.  
The BIS concluded there is no clear evidence that consumer price deflation is bad - or good- for economic growth.


High inflation for consumer prices is almost always a threat to growth but deflation is not.

How can you tell when consumer price deflation is the good kind, driven by growing supply, or the bad kind, driven by shrinking demand?  

This task requires parsing conflicting forces of supply and demand, often with unclear results.  

The takeaway is simply that while many analysts now assume that any hint of deflation is worrisome, this assumption is not borne out by the evidence.  

High inflation for consumer prices is almost always a threat to growth but deflation is not.


Sunday, 23 July 2023

How to identify potentially threatening asset price bubbles?

In a globalized world, with few barriers to capital flows, investors around the world can bid up prices for stocks, bonds and real estate in local markets from New York to Shanghai.  

Central banks have fueled these purchases with record low interest rates and by entering the bond market as major buyers themselves  

Largely as a result, global financial assets (including only stocks and bonds) are worth $280 trillion and amount to about 330% of global GDP, up from $12 trillion and just 110% in 1980.


Traditionally, economists have looked for trouble in the economy to cause trouble in the markets.  

They see no cause for concern when loose financial policy is inflating prices in the markets, as long as consumer prices remain quiet.  

Even conservatives who worry about easy money "blowing bubbles" still look mainly for economic threats to the financial markets, rather than the threat that overgrown markets pose to the economy.   

But financial markets are now so large, that the tail wags the dog.

A market downturn can easily trigger the next big economic downturn.


Summary:

The general rule is that strong growth is most likely to continue if consumer prices are rising slowly, or even if they are falling as the result of good deflation, driven by strengthening supply network.

In today's globalized economy, in which cross-border competition tends to suppress prices for consumer goods but drive them up for financial assets, watching consumer prices is not enough.  

Increasingly, recessions follow instability in the financial market.  

To understand how inflation is likely to impact economic growth,  keep an eye on stock and house prices too.



Housing bubbles and Stock bubbles fueled by borrowings

Be alert when prices are rising at a pace faster than underlying economic growth for an extended period, particularly for housing.  

  • Home prices typically rise by about 5% a year.  
  • This pace speeds up to between 10% and 12% in the two years before a period of financial distress.
  • Once prices for stocks or housing rise sharply above their long-term trend, a subsequent drop in prices of 15% or more signals that the economy is due to face significant pain.  

In general, housing bubbles were much less common than stock bubbles but were much more likely to be followed by a recession.  The downturn is much more severe if borrowing fuels the bubble.  

  • When a recession follows a bubble that is not fueled by debt, 5 years later the economy will be 1% to 1.5% smaller than it would have been if the bubble had never occurred.
  • If the investors borrow heavily to buy stock, the economy 5 years later will be 4% smaller.
  • If they borrow to purchase housing, the economy will be as much as 9% smaller.


Growing threat of Asset bubbles

Globalization

Rising global competition and the emergence of independent central banks have helped countries contain consumer prices.  But globalization is pushing asset prices in the opposite direction.

In a world with few barriers to the flow of capital, foreigners are often the main buyers of stocks, bonds and real estate in markets from New York to Seoul, making prices for these assets less stable, and an increasingly telling signal of a coming economic crash.


Debt-fueled property booms and recessions

Many postwar economic "miracles," ranging from Italy and Japan in the 1950s to Latin America and Southeast Asia later, first took off because of strong fundamentals (like strong investment and low inflation) but were sustained by rapidly rising debts and ended with a bursting property bubble.

In recent decades, recessions have been more likely to originate in debt-fueled property booms, for the simple reason that there has been an explosion in mortgage finance.  Since the boom in modern finance began in the late nineteenth century, mortgage lending has grown much faster than other lending to households and private companies, which helps explain why economic booms and busts "seem to be increasingly shaped by the dynamics of mortgage credit."


The growing threat posed by asset bubbles

Before World War II, there were 78 recessions - including only 19 that followed a bubble in stocks or housing.  

After the war, there were 88 recessions, the vast majority of which, 62, followed a stock or housing bubble.

For the last 3 decades, every major economic shock has been preceded by a bubble in housing, stocks or both, including 

  • Japan's meltdown in 1990, 
  • the Asian financial crisis of 1997 - 1998, 
  • the dot-com crash of 2000-2001, and, of course, 
  • the global financial crisis of 2008.  


Asset price crashes can trigger bad consumer price deflation

Often, a crash in prices of houses or stocks will depress the economy, by making people feel suddenly less wealthy.  Thus shaken, they spend less, resulting in lower demand and a fall in consumer prices.  In other words, asset price crashes can trigger bouts of bad consumer price deflation.  

  • This is what happened in Japan, where the real estate and stock crash of 1990 led to the long fall in both asset and consumer prices. 
  • It also happened in the US, where the stock crash of 1929 was followed by consumer price deflation in the early years of the Great Depression.