Maersk wants more market share on imports to China
By Wang Xiaotian (China Daily)
Updated: 2010-11-16 11:06
A Maersk container ship passes another ship as it leaves Hong Kong. The shipping company expects to see a continuous rise in freight demand in Asia, Latin America and Africa for next year. [Bloomberg]
Shipments are expected to pick up due to rising demand in Asia
BEIJING - Maersk Line, the world's largest container carrier, wants a larger share of shipments generated from imports to China as the country's economic growth pattern translates to stronger domestic demand.
"We will put more sales and customer service staff in the import market," Tim Smith, chief executive officer for the Copenhagen-based shipping line's North Asia region, said in an exclusive interview in Beijing on Monday.
"This is very much linked to the intra-Asia market because a lot of China's imports come from different parts of Asia. China imports raw materials or partly processed goods, assembles them and sends them for export. So we are trying to combine the intra-Asia imports with exports."
The transported volume related to China increased by more than 10 percent, 3 percentage points higher than the global gain, contributing 25 percent of the company's global volume and 35 percent of its total export volume.
"We've seen a development in the import market in China that will help the overall demand. We are looking at that very closely," he said.
In the first nine months this year, Maersk Line witnessed a dramatic upturn from its 2009 historic loss of $2.1 million to a profit of nearly $2.3 million, thanks to a 34 percent year-on-year increase in average freight rates, 7 percent increase in transported volume and substantial savings per unit.
Smith, a 25-year veteran of the shipping industry, describes the business situation in 2010 as "strange" following unpredictable growth patterns quarter-on-quarter.
The second quarter this year saw strong growth followed by unexpected average growth in the third quarter, and a slight decrease in the fourth quarter, which is unusual due to the annual expected year-end seasonal demand.
"We've been surprised how quickly it has improved. The situation in 2010 is a little bit better than the normal level. 2011 is not necessarily as good as this year as demand may slow, and we have to carefully monitor the demand and supply situation," he said.
Although the recovery of mature markets such as Europe and US is still not strong enough, robust economic growth in emerging markets will spur further grounds for optimism, said Smith, estimating a global demand growth of 8 percent next year compared to 2010.
"It won't necessarily be a consistent growth month-by-month, but may go up and down a little bit," he said.
Volume on transatlantic routes increased by 3 percent year-on-year in the first nine months this year, while volumes rose by 7 percent on transpacific routes and 16 percent on Latin America and Oceania routes.
He expected a continuous rise of freight demand in Asia, Latin America and Africa for next year. For the increasing container freight capacity, which would affect freight rates, he predicted a 10 to 12 percent year-on-year capacity growth as more new ships are delivered to owners in 2011.
He said it is difficult to predict how much freight rates will increase in the future but based on current levels, the company expects to see good profit ahead.
Revenue of its parent, A.P. Moller, Maersk Group, increased by 17 percent year-on-year to $41.4 billion in the first nine months of 2010, primarily as a result of higher freight rates for its container shipping activities and higher oil prices, the group said in an interim report released on Nov 10.
For the same period, the group reported a net profit of $4.2 billion against a historic loss of $1 billion in 2009.
The group lifted its expectation for a full-year profit from $4 billion to $5 billion despite cautioning seasonal decline in both volumes and freight rates for the container activities towards the end of the year.
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/business/2010-11/16/content_11556272.htm
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Wednesday, 17 November 2010
Tuesday, 13 July 2010
Hard choices as China's boom fades
Hard choices as China's boom fades
July 13, 2010
Australia's export prices remain about as good as they have been in a century, but the peak is now behind us. What we have seen in the past few years is as good as it will get.
Last week alone iron ore spot prices fell 9.4 per cent and Brazil-China freight prices fell 20 per cent. China's trade figures showed iron ore imports fell 14 per cent last month, measured year-on-year, after rising an average 8.4 per cent each month until May.
Given that China bought 70 per cent of the world's iron ore exports last year, and Australia's iron ore exports this year will be worth about $US50 billion, it is not hard to see that the huge Chinese tail wind for Australia's national income is no longer blowing like it was.
The underlying reason for Australia's once-in-a century resources boom was that China's heavy industry sector has been growing much faster than its overall economy. The boom was inflated by distortions in the economy linked to China's hybrid market-authoritarian form of government.
Now a series of command-economy edicts has flipped this pattern around. Steel production has been falling in absolute terms for two months and the rate of decline accelerated through June. That was despite a surge in exports as mills pocketed export rebates before they are scrapped today.
Over the coming decade the trend in Chinese resource consumption - and therefore Australian national income - will be determined partly by consumer and investor preferences. But the aggregate of those private choices will be trammelled by policy and political choices that the Chinese leadership will either face or evade.
Many of those challenges will be outlined tomorrow at the Australian National University's China Update conference. Zhongxiang Zhang will look at China's efforts to reduce fossil fuel consumption, and its equally serious challenges. Last year China installed more wind power turbines than any other nation. And yet, in the first quarter of this year, 60 per cent of wind power generation capacity was wasted because it was not hooked up to the grid.
Huang Yiping will look at the price distortions that fed China's heavy industry boom, including cheap industrial land, cheap energy and cheap capital.
Huw McKay and Ligang Song will calculate how China's per capita steel consumption could peak earlier and at a higher rate than previously assumed - at double the present rate of consumption in little over a decade.
However, for my money these policy debates will be swamped in coming years by the core question of whether and how a one-party state can make itself accountable.
Over-construction will continue so long as officials receive great financial incentives and few political and legal disincentives against bribery and stealing land. State-dominated heavy industry will continue to over-produce so long as the services sector is stunted by politically powerful state monopolies.
That is why Yongsheng Zhang, at the State Council's Development Research Centre, will tomorrow tackle the question of whether local officials can ever be held accountable to their people when they are appointed from above.
And Yang Yao, the director of Peking University's China Centre for Economic Research, goes even more directly to the heart of things. He writes that the key to China's reform-era success is that the party did not allow policy to be hijacked by special interest groups at the expense of other sectors of the population. But that is now changing, as cadres meld seamlessly into the world of crony capitalism.
''While the private business community is realising the importance of cultivating the government for larger profits, it is the government itself, its cronies and government controlled [state owned enterprises] that are quickly forming strong and exclusive interest groups,'' he writes.
''All this suggests that some form of explicit political transition will be necessary to counterbalance the formation of strong and exclusive interest groups. The Chinese Communist Party must soon realise that there is no alternative to fuller democratisation if it wishes to maintain both high economic growth and enhance social stability.''
July 13, 2010
Australia's export prices remain about as good as they have been in a century, but the peak is now behind us. What we have seen in the past few years is as good as it will get.
Last week alone iron ore spot prices fell 9.4 per cent and Brazil-China freight prices fell 20 per cent. China's trade figures showed iron ore imports fell 14 per cent last month, measured year-on-year, after rising an average 8.4 per cent each month until May.
Given that China bought 70 per cent of the world's iron ore exports last year, and Australia's iron ore exports this year will be worth about $US50 billion, it is not hard to see that the huge Chinese tail wind for Australia's national income is no longer blowing like it was.
The underlying reason for Australia's once-in-a century resources boom was that China's heavy industry sector has been growing much faster than its overall economy. The boom was inflated by distortions in the economy linked to China's hybrid market-authoritarian form of government.
Now a series of command-economy edicts has flipped this pattern around. Steel production has been falling in absolute terms for two months and the rate of decline accelerated through June. That was despite a surge in exports as mills pocketed export rebates before they are scrapped today.
Over the coming decade the trend in Chinese resource consumption - and therefore Australian national income - will be determined partly by consumer and investor preferences. But the aggregate of those private choices will be trammelled by policy and political choices that the Chinese leadership will either face or evade.
Many of those challenges will be outlined tomorrow at the Australian National University's China Update conference. Zhongxiang Zhang will look at China's efforts to reduce fossil fuel consumption, and its equally serious challenges. Last year China installed more wind power turbines than any other nation. And yet, in the first quarter of this year, 60 per cent of wind power generation capacity was wasted because it was not hooked up to the grid.
Huang Yiping will look at the price distortions that fed China's heavy industry boom, including cheap industrial land, cheap energy and cheap capital.
Huw McKay and Ligang Song will calculate how China's per capita steel consumption could peak earlier and at a higher rate than previously assumed - at double the present rate of consumption in little over a decade.
However, for my money these policy debates will be swamped in coming years by the core question of whether and how a one-party state can make itself accountable.
Over-construction will continue so long as officials receive great financial incentives and few political and legal disincentives against bribery and stealing land. State-dominated heavy industry will continue to over-produce so long as the services sector is stunted by politically powerful state monopolies.
That is why Yongsheng Zhang, at the State Council's Development Research Centre, will tomorrow tackle the question of whether local officials can ever be held accountable to their people when they are appointed from above.
And Yang Yao, the director of Peking University's China Centre for Economic Research, goes even more directly to the heart of things. He writes that the key to China's reform-era success is that the party did not allow policy to be hijacked by special interest groups at the expense of other sectors of the population. But that is now changing, as cadres meld seamlessly into the world of crony capitalism.
''While the private business community is realising the importance of cultivating the government for larger profits, it is the government itself, its cronies and government controlled [state owned enterprises] that are quickly forming strong and exclusive interest groups,'' he writes.
''All this suggests that some form of explicit political transition will be necessary to counterbalance the formation of strong and exclusive interest groups. The Chinese Communist Party must soon realise that there is no alternative to fuller democratisation if it wishes to maintain both high economic growth and enhance social stability.''
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